Mexican Johnson Control organizers assaulted in struggle for a real union

MEXICO: On April 28, two former workers from Johnson Controls International (JCI), Enrique Morales, who also works for the Worker Assistance Centre (CAT), and Coral Juarez, were assaulted while on their way to visit workers in the town of Santo Toribio, Tlaxcala. 

The physical assault was carried out by people from the CROM union, which holds title to the protection contract at JCI where the workers are attempting to establish a representative union and a genuine collective agreement.

Morales reports that at 14:30 on April 28 a young man approached him and started twisting his hand and delivering blows to his entire body, telling him to "stop being so foolish", and threatening to kill him if he didn’t stop making trouble for his  father, Magdaleno Texis, who is a delegate of CROM. Morales grabbed his aggressor by the shirt while Juarez struggled with him. The aggressor then pushed her and told her that they would kill her and all of those who were against his father. After police refused to register their complaints and after a series of long delays, Morales and Juarez, assisted by CAT, were able to make their complaint to the Prosecutor’s Office for the State of Tlaxcala at 23:00 that night.

This attack follows an earlier incident two weeks ago when Carmen Sanchez Juarez, a member of the JCI workers’ coalition seeking a new union was harassed by Marcelino Tecuapacho in her village of San Luis Teolocholco.

Ever since workers at JCI decided to organize a genuine union they and people at CAT have been subjected to increasing harassment. This struggle for a representative union is one of the violations cited included in IMF’s complaint to the International Labour Organization (Case No. 2694) against the use of protection contracts in Mexico.

The IMF denounces these recent attacks on the workers and joins with CAT and other human rights organizations in Mexico in calling on the Mexican government to:

For further information about the situation at JCI please see a detailed account here.

New metal sector agreement in Norway

NORWAY: Fellesforbundet announced on April 30 that its metalworking members had voted in support of a new sector collective agreement for two years that is estimated to result in an increase of three per cent.

The agreement between Norsk Industri and Fellesforbundet, which was reached through mediated negotiation on April 11 and then put to a vote by members, provides for:

The union also managed a total rebuttal of the employers demand for lower minimum wages, achieving new improved minimum wages in the new agreement.

Together with government the parties will set up sector based programs to promote a serious and well functioning labor market in particularly exposed sectors. The parties agree to a new regime for rotation schedules for workers who work away from home an issue that has been a problem for some time.

The results achieved in the negotiations in the metal sector have begun to have a decisive impact on other sectors, including construction and hotels and restaurants and the rest of Norwegian industry and the public sector are expected to follow.

Fellesforbundet president Arve Bakke is satisfied with the results. "We have secured increased purchasing power for all our members. The result also gives an extra increase for the lowest paid and we have constructed a model intended to level out discriminatory inequalities in pay between men and women in the individual company," said Arve Bakke.

Working towards an IMF position on climate change for Africa

Discussion Document towards a Climate Change Policy Framework for Africa

Introduction

This is a preliminary outline document intended to sketch a framework for discussion of African affiliates of the International Metal Workers Federation towards a position on climate change and industrial development in Africa.

The 2006 Johannesburg Declaration of the African Conference on Labour and the Environment are noted and affiliates should familiarise themselves and further investigate the adoption of actions contained therein. This should be done in the context of a more overt acknowledgement of the origins of the crisis lying in the economic transformation of nature in a particular paradigm of capitalist accumulation and the strategic framework that emerges from further climate change deliberations emergent from this draft developed at the IMF sub regional meeting of April 2010.

1. Climate Change

The Climate Crisis is an Economic Crisis

The capitalist system of linear production distribution, consumption and waste disposal based on competition and greed (accumulation) but not centred on human needs has led to the unprecedented climate crisis that confronts us already, not at some future time. Africa is likely to be the most effected area of habitation and already significant changes are visible, but given extended periods of underdevelopment and eroded social services is also the most vulnerable and least able continent to adapt to the effects of changing climate.

The fact that growing scientific consensus, as to the scope and potential impact of climate change, coincides with a global economic crisis, serves to reinforce the notion that the climate crisis is an economic crisis.

Climate Systems

The term anthropogenic is misguiding as the true cause of environmental degradation is systemic to the current mode of capital accumulation characterised as fossil capitalism. The ultimate solution therefore must lie beyond stop gap measures simply attempting to cap emissions in an attempt to limit a mean global temperature increase to less than 2 degrees C through reducing CO2 in the atmosphere to 350ppm. Although these targets are essential given the slow progress and the human costs involved in failure it is realised that a fundamental shift in the relations of production and patterns of consumption are necessary.

Given recent statements by the IPCC that issues such as polar ice melt happening faster than expected in the 4th (2007) report it is suspected that the 2 degree target is in all likelihood too conservative. Ecological feedback mechanisms such as increasing water vapour in the atmosphere seem to be accelerating temperature changes and therefore weather patterns. Such mechanisms coupled to the downward trend of IPCC projections as to the level of CO2 in the atmosphere is also noted and therefore 350ppm is seen as an absolute minimum.

Impact of Climate Change on Africa

The IPCC acknowledges that Africa will be most severely impacted by climatic changes and this impact is exacerbated by the current socioeconomic crises confronting the continent. These include, fragile states, working poverty, malnutrition, existing water scarcity, disease (particularly malaria and HIV), Gender inequalities, access to land and conflict.

IPCC notes impacts likely in;

Food security

Water stress

Spread of diseases

Flooding

Loss of biodiversity

Coastal and estuary flooding

Climate change refugee  

In developing African responses to climate change we also need to consider;

Conflicts over resources

Damage to infrastructure

Drop in Hydro capacity, predictability

An African power crisis deepened by emergency priority spending

Global responses that may suck away FDI flows

Less global consumption means slower commodity demands

Solutions in the North may well lead to deepened hardships in the south

Agricultural yields in the north are likely to increase while decreases will occur in Africa

Current trade negotiations have the potential to further marginalise African adaptation responses

2. Principles

Common but differentiated responsibilities

The principle of common but differentiated responsibilities is understood in the context that given the amount of time (200 years +) that CO2 exists in the atmosphere, cumulative contributions to the green house effect should form the basis of an historical balance sheet of what has been referred to as ecological debt

Ecological debt

Whilst it is undeniable that an ecological debt exists the concept creates a false division of environment and economy tacitly accepting the linear nature of’ private production distribution and consumption and waste. Furthermore since the concept of ecological debt is accepted by Bali it is believed that complementary socio economic debts associated with colonialism and economic imperialism exist and have defined systemic planetary exploitation under fossil capitalism.

Mitigation

Developed Countries must reduce their greenhouse gas emissions by at least

40% below 1990 levels by 2020 and at least 80% preferably 95% below 1990 levels by 2050, in order to achieve the lowest level of stabilisation assessed by the IPCC’s fourth assessment report.

Mitigation actions for Africa should be voluntary and nationally appropriate within industrial plans focused around human development and needs. Development of a renewable energy economy and green and decent jobs need to be conducted as a development imperative and not a climate change trade.

Mitigation efforts in developed and developing countries should not be tradable as this renders efforts subject to market volatilities, corruption and undermines the developmental nature of building the commons through technological sharing through mechanisms such as TRIPS.

COP and Kyoto Protocol

The UNFCCC process needs to draw a more forthright link between addressing climate change and meeting the MDGs through state led non commercial socialised transformations as the basis of agreements.

Whilst attempts to remove Kyoto are not acceptable the market solutions contained in the protocol need to be fundamentally revisited if the world is to have any hope in addressing the human disaster implicit in climate change.

Common World with Common Standards

Environmental standards that differentiate North from South such as the use of autocatalytic converters for northern markets but business as usual for southern ones are unacceptable. Dumping of waste in Africa as a revenue mechanism is equally seen as a form of environmental apartheid. To overcome the latest addition to the wealth and digital divides of the growing environmental divides will require pressure on governments of both Global North and South and concerted monitoring and engagement with corporations driving these processes.

Ecological Imperialism and mitigation in the South

The intensification of the process of ecological imperialism where by clean production stays in the North and dirty production is moved to the South is seen as a probable outcome of current frameworks to address climate change. It is the correction of this imbalance that should drive the developing world to clean energy paradigms not commitments being demanded by developed countries that are motivated by issues of economic competition not equity or true acceptance of externalised debts of historical production, distribution, consumption and waste disposal.

Corporate responsibility

It is noted that MNCs have been the main driving force behind fossil capitalism and in practical terms do not have a nationality. It is also apparent that MNCs and large capital formations will resist just transition where it is not in their immediate financial interests. As such engagement and investigations need to focus on increasing the responsibility of these entities to workers and communities. Greater transparency in reporting, accountability and conformity to progressive global standards of corporate conduct are important. Regional standards and expectations should be further developed in this regard and where international framework agreements exist these should be strengthened around these components naturally including elements related to environmental impact and health in the workplace with a particular focus on the use of dangerous chemical substances.

Externalised costs of fossil capitalism

Further and in-depth investigation of the externalised costs of extraction, production and the energy economy that have characterised accumulation and transfer of wealth from south to north in the fossil economy is urgently necessary to appropriately enumerate the concept of fossil capitalist debt. Such externalised elements should include variables such as chemical contamination, pollution, loss of biodiversity, health costs, shortened life expectancy, injuries and deaths of workers etc.

Implicit in such calculations should be the principle that lives in developed and developing countries are valued equally. Concepts that cost a life in terms of lower or higher GNI are completely unacceptable.

3. Strategy

Costing the transformation of the energy economy

Proper enumeration of the costs associated with the transformation of energy economy in both North and South needs to be investigated. The exercise must take into account facilitating globally equitable access to energy by all humanity so as to address deepening current global ecological and economic apartheid.

We understand that capital accumulation always relies on net transfer of wealth in its various forms and through externalising costs and for this reason competition based markets can never develop Africa as there are no more continents to take from and externalise costs too. Unsustainable logic can not solve a problem of sustainability.

State led cooperative commons development and funding at a global level is necessary to facilitate this urgent transition. Once cost has been established, mechanisms such as corporate reparations taxes, reduced military spending and financial transaction taxes will be necessary to implement. These should be differentially implemented in developing and developed countries where reparations and financial transaction taxes should for example flow to developing economies while efficiency measures and reduced military expenditure should finance mitigation in the north. From an African perspective this seems logical as part of the problem that needs balancing is overconsumption in the North and under consumption in the South.

Given the greater impact and need for adaptation in Africa and other developing regions separate allocations will be necessary to ensure that adaptation measures are not sacrificed to profit opportunities in mitigation.

Developing a framework on CC and Industrialisation needs to be integrated

A response to climate change and strategies to industrialise the continent should take such calculations into account but more importantly need to be an integrated process. Affiliates consider it necessary to develop a strategic process to take forward this framework into an actionable document based on research and deliberations.

Unbalanced Consumption Patterns

Recognising that a core driver of the global crisis is overconsumption in the Global North, we argue that attempts to address the problem of climate degradation without altering patterns and expectations of consumption can not succeed. At the same time chronic under consumption and environmentally inappropriate consumption forced by economic marginalisation in the Global South, need to be addressed and serve as a counter balance to decreased demand which would have a negative impact on jobs in the South and North.

Economic measures that facilitate more realistic full cost accounting will serve to lower consumption levels but should be coupled to intensive re-socialisation and concepts such as planned obsolesce regulated by law. Advertising and other mechanisms that drive the psychological elements of overconsumption should be regulated and refocused to information provision. Production and more appropriate consumption in the South will serve to balance economic impacts.

Fairly produced quality products under decent labour conditions and equitable systems of trade would further serve to balance global patterns of consumption and distribution. Social ownership should become a key consideration in assessing fair production standards. Labour in the North and South could ally with activist consumer focused organisations in the North to begin to drive such an agenda.

Energy Economy Transformation (a catalyst for broad economic transformation and human development in the south)

A broad minerals energy complex (MEC) exists in Africa and the current climate crisis offers an opportunity to break the monopoly of this MEC which sustains the over reliance on a resource based economy as opposed to a diversified one.

In such a transformation process the starting point must be with the fossil fuel based energy economy. Transformation to low carbon technologies that are collectively owned can act as a catalyst for the social transformation of production. The emergent power supply crisis in Africa provides ideal timing for such a shift. Taking human needs as a starting point also dictates that solutions must go beyond the paradigm of centralised generation of power and transmission networks that bypass economically disenfranchised citizens on route to large industrial consumption. Off grid and on grid renewable technologies should enjoy more equitable R&D and investment focus as a means of responding to peoples need and also closing the rural and urban divide in access to energy on the continent.

Synergies between different elements of addressing climate change and human development through industrialisation on the continent need to be identified and subjected to strong and accountable state led development. This can not be left to the market to provide. Long term cooperation between states in the south can ensure that the transformation of the energy economy in the south is characterised by social ownership and a building of a significant pool of commons.

For example: The lack of domestic access to clean energy is a significant contributing factor to deforestation that is noted as occurring faster in Africa than elsewhere. This is a symptom of energy apartheid and a serious and growing problem in Africa. Whilst deforestation is certainly a GHG contributor the burning of wood and paraffin for heating, lighting and cooking also has serious health implications further burdening the limited fiscus based health expenditure in African countries, still struggling under the ill advised structural adjustment measures. Africa is also the only continent with a projected growth in the number of people without access to electricity (a deepening energy divide). The development of a locally based renewables on and off grid based energy economy with universal access will serve as both a mitigation and adaptation measure in this instance.

In capitalist terms Africa has a major strategic advantage in terms of solar concentrations. Climate change is likely to increase this strategic advantage and yet Africa lags the rest of the world in the development of this enormous resource. Locally manufactured solar technologies need to be integrated with construction processes and also retrofitted to existing dwellings. Such off grid technologies should also be integrated with construction methodologies and complemented by water access and addressing the need for shelter.

Such synergies catalysed by backward integrated renewables manufactured within Africa are key to addressing development on the continent that simultaneously addresses the ecological mess overconsumption and private accumulation has left in its wake. Localised manufacturing can contribute to the large scale creation of decent work and begin to address the reality of the working poor that characterises the African labour market.

Large scale use of renewables also have tremendous job creation potential however access to technology as in the case of off grid technologies needs to be supported through funds transfers and building scientific capacity. Given the emergency nature of climate change it is unacceptable that the privatisation of intellectual property through mechanisms such as TRIPS be allowed to hinder emergency development measures and should therefore be subject to intensified global campaigning. The very ‘energy companies’ that have driven the fossil fuel based capitalist economy are developing green technologies with the expectation that they shall profit from the crisis that they created. They should not be allowed to hide behind TRIPS to do this.

Building mutual commons in the region should be defined by technology sharing, research and development sharing and skills sharing.

Just Transition

Discussions have highlighted the potential difference of the concept as applied in a developed country context where transitions can be smoothed by stronger social security and the absence of such facilities in much of Africa. Mitigation funding should also play a social role in terms of smoothing economic hardships of job transfers. As such transition should be measured in a developing country context, to ensure that livelihoods are not simply sacrificed in the hope of conceptual green jobs. The working class can not and should not pay for such a transition. The concept of green jobs needs further interrogation and avoid green washing more neoliberal under development initiatives. There is therefore a need to more clearly define the objective of such a transition to collective ownerships and needs based production.

Whilst reliance on coal for instance will in time need to be phased out in the South careful planning and social accounting needs to be undertaken to ensure that workers are able to secure jobs in new areas of work created through state coordinated and led industrial policies underscored by social accounting and social security funded by global systems of taxation.

Just transition in Africa needs also to be accompanied by avoidance of eco protectionism by the North.

Market Mechanisms

Market Mechanisms for addressing Ecological debt and energy economy transformations will serve to deepen the hold of financial capital on the energy sector and act in opposition to the end of broad needs based economic development. It will further expose attempts at addressing the serious issue of environmental destruction to the vagarious of speculation and market instability.

Financial Capital and institutions of all kinds will need to be tackled to ensure equitable transformation, mitigation and adaptation.

4. Implementation

Strategic Levers: State utilities in Africa are key strategic levers in such a transition however it will be necessary to role back the wave of privatisation and commercialisation that has characterised these institutions over the last two decades. In their current form they can not play the role of building commons

Eskom, given its size and access to expertise needs to play a central role in such collaboration but will need to shed the culture of secrecy and competitiveness that has accompanied its commercialisation if the social goals of economic development and climate change are to be synergistically addressed.

History and more recent experiences of commercialisation on the continent have showed that state ownership is in itself no guarantee of development facilitation or conduct. Strong mechanisms of social accountability and transparency are necessary to achieve this. Having the same expectation of state companies as MNC type corporate social responsibility is simply setting the bar far too low.

Collective and localised forms of ownership and control are further key elements in developing accountability in a move to more socialised forms of production based on needs

Technology transfer and research and development need to be coordinated in this transformation. Global funding mechanisms need to be investigated in this regard but should not be market based as this will simply lead to further privatising of knowledge. Potential funding sources are discussed below.

Trade: South, South and particularly intra African trade collaboration as opposed to trade competition could further bolster the process of building a new energy economy and in turn transforming other elements of African productive capacity.

Science: The extent of research on the predicted impact and complex interactions of environmental systems at a localised level has been far less rigorous in Africa than the North. This knowledge is critical in developing adaptation and transition pathways and requires urgent financial support and capacity development. Such finance should form part of the ecological and socioeconomic debt however in the absence or inadequacy of such finance localised and south, south cooperative support should urgently bolster mobilisation of scientific engagement and knowledge transfer in the region. Given the vulnerabilities of Africa already noted by the IPCC and local scientists, of particular significance to adaptation is investigation into agriculture and food supply, water management and distribution and health impact and responses. 

Financing: It has been noted that after years of engagements around climate change in the current framework including the market mechanisms of carbon trading and the CDM has produced a woeful short fall in necessary financial flows to the developing world and most particularly to poorest countries.

At the same time the historical gap of pledged and actual ODA as well as unpredictable disbursements and flows tied to conditionalities indicates that such voluntary forms of transfer will not achieve the expected results.

The financial commitment of at least 1.5% of global GDP of developed countries (IPCC, 2007) is required, to support and enable adaptation and mitigation action in developing countries needs further attention as it is suspected that this enumeration is too conservative.

Various mechanisms need to be investigated to ensure adequate flows do in fact take place for financing adaptation addressing vulnerability to climate change and ensuring that technology leapfrogs allow for just transition to low carbon economy focused first on addressing human needs in the South.

Research and development as well as technological transfer funding needs to be adequately estimated and specific allocations determined and dispensed.

Such mechanisms could also include heavy users paying a more externalised cost reflective price for energy.

 Global and economic carbon based taxes that target intensive users and can be used to fund buffers to citizens from price volatilities that may be associated in such a move.

 A financial transaction tax at a global level is necessary to mobilise capital for adaptation and just transition from this set economic of activities that have limited benefit to the real economy and job creation.

 Progressive forces globally and particularly in the North must campaign to achieve demilitarisation further freeing up funds from such socially unnecessary forms of expenditure to support a just transition to new forms of energy and production /consumption relations.

 A reparations tax for global exploitation and degradation could act as both a source of mitigation and funding for a just transition.

 5. Way Forward

 Solidarity between labour in the North and South

Action and solidarity between North and South will be critical in advancing a climate change agenda that is premised on social justice and not narrow protectionist concerns.

Increasing government accountability to the citizenry in the North and South and less to corporate interests will be essential in attaining a global agreement based on equity and sustainable development. All progressive forces especially IMF affiliates are therefore encouraged to campaign to increase government accountability to the citizenry. This also implies improving the lives of people in the South and not simply attempting to support measures for adapting to uncertain climate impacts.

Large scale awareness raising and deepening working class discussions and participatory decision making at global, national, sector workplace and community level are essential processes in achieving such accountability and a true global consensus.

We need to expressly acknowledge the finite nature of the biosphere and champion the perspective globally that any system premised on compound and therefore geometric patterns of growth are inconsistent with the finite nature of our common home. It was also observed that research has suggested that this progression surpassed the global bio spherical balance point over three decades ago.

Timeframe

Globally we have 10-20 years to transform industrialized society. Given the long lead times associated with the development of energy infrastructure for example the urgency of action and adequate and appropriate industrial policy planning means there is effectively no room for error. To avert a further and deeper humanitarian crisis in Africa we have even less time to fundamentally transform the underdeveloped nature of African industrial development if there is to be any kind of resilience and adaptation to the impact of climate change that is already manifesting in floods, droughts and the spread of diseases such as malaria. This implies action has to commence immediately.

Despite these daunting tasks the behavioural challenges are much more daunting than the technological ones and will require concerted struggles and strong solidarity.

Follow Up

Further deliberations on climate change will be necessary and these should take place in the context of developing an industrial policy framework towards industrialisation in Africa that places needs and developments above markets and competition.

 

Political and economic challenges for the African continent

We meet in 2010 at yet another turning point in history. 2010 means that it is 10 years since the millennium declaration. It is 5 years after the Gleneagles G8 summit.

Peak oil prices were reached and we have seen the doubling of the price of fats, food oils and grain through 2008. It is a short time since the financial crisis that has already translated into a global economic recession in the real economy. It is a few short months since the latest (COP 15) failure in Copenhagen to comprehensively address the climate disaster that confronts us all. The Doha round of trade negotiations also enters its 10th year. It is the year of the first world cup in Africa.

 In essence three crises confront us, economy, food and climate and all serve to aggravate the plight of the poor. All three find their origin in the current capitalist mode of accumulation and all three serve to worsen the situation of the working and unemployed poor. This is reflected in more recent appraisals of the Millennium Development Goals which in many categories see a negative reversal in sluggish positive trends for sub Saharan Africa.

 As we all know Africa is not one homogenous whole and many differences exist at a country and sub regional level. Similarly crises such as recession and climate change will have different impacts in different places. We need to always remain sensitive to these differences in how we strategise and plan. Having said that, it is useful to sometimes generalise to provide an overview and context. The following points I will raise are done with this in mind rather than an attempt to simplify the complex tapestry of Africa.

It is useful that we consider the two issues of industrialisation and climate change together in our regional conference as they are mutually linked and to strategise one in the absence of the other would be a strategic blunder. More so, both issues of industrialisation and climate are underwritten by issues of energy and access to energy. I would suggest therefore that as we consider these issues we bear in mind the implications (both limiting and enabling) that energy has for our debates. By analysing the underlying dynamic of energy and relations of production that surround it I suggest that it provide the opportunity to see industrialisation as a means to the end of development and not an end in itself. It is after all this false logic that has allowed the preoccupation with GDP to perversely define a development paradigm that has brought the entire world to the brink of destruction.

 The Political/Economy

Starting from the GDP obsession it is noteworthy that in the five years prior to 2009 Africa achieved GDP growth rates in excess of 5% on average. Net oil exporters faired better than net oil importers and this division between African countries continues. This growth however translated into relatively little social development. Even before the trilogy of crises is considered, many countries in sub-Saharan Africa were not going to even come close to the poverty goals entailed in the Millennium Development Goals. Even more alarming, some of these countries have poverty rates that are substantially higher than the average and they risk being completely marginalised. Thus growth in GDP does not equal development.

The Financial Crisis that is Now an Economic Crisis

The collapse of capitalist accumulation sparked by the financial crisis has had a more devastating impact in Africa than anywhere else according to the World Bank Chief economist for Africa.

In addition to facing a sharp drop in growth (from 5 percent in 2008 to 1.7 percent in 2009), throwing 7-10 million more Africans into poverty, and leading to the deaths of 30-50,000 additional infants before their first birthday. That’s in just over a year. These factors compound over time. When there is a contraction in GDP the poor and therefore development are the first to suffer.

Growth in OECD countries has contracted significantly for 2009 and is predicted to be flat for 2010. Africa grew 1.7% for 2009. Oil exporters did better than oil importers but GDP was substantially down for all. Even though Africa does not enjoy a significant part of world trade, it is significant to note that world trade is expected to contract by 13% in 2009 which would make it the first decline in world trade in 60 years.

Finance or rather the lack of it will play a key role in the impact of the crisis in Africa as governments will find it hard to find financial resources to finance deficits, much needed infrastructural development and trade. Despite it being commonly acknowledged that Sub Saharan Africa will endure the worst impacts of the global recession, Africa had nothing to do with precipitating the crisis, as this is the result of energy contestation and financial sector liberalisation in rich countries. Whilst Africa must bear the consequences, Africa has no representation on the G20 financial stability board.

From 2007 to 2009 the proportion of employed people living below $1.25 per day in Sub Saharan Africa increased from 58-64%. The plight of the working poor is getting worse.

Commodity prices have dropped significantly and this is always devastating to economies reliant on exports of raw materials as opposed to beneficiated products. This lesson alone Africa has had to repeatedly learn with every contradiction induced crisis in the global capitalist accumulation regime.

Inflation has been rising and there were 28 countries with inflation above 10% in 2008 probably more last year. A lot of this is linked to food and fuel. This is not the good kind of inflation that is an inevitable headache of growth but the kind that simply erodes the spending power of the poor whilst income opportunities contract.

Flows of FDI to Africa contracted by 10% in 2008 and will have contracted further in 2009.

 Whilst African countries are attempting to minimise the combined impact of the crises, initiatives are constrained by lack of adequate resources and policy space to sustain such attempts. Protectionist measures around agriculture of the north and broken promises around ODA further constrain this space.

 Food and agriculture

Despite the MDG to halve those suffering from hunger the number of people who suffer from hunger increased from 28% in 2006 to 30% in 2009. Food prices dropped in the developed world in 2008/9 but remained high in developing economies such as Nigeria, Brazil and China

Africa is the only region in the world where per capita food production has fallen in the last 30 years. This is particularly concerning given the impact that climate change will have on agricultural production and food sources such as fresh water fish. If African attempts at adaptation to climate change are to have any real positive impact agriculture will need significant bolstering in terms of strategy, technology and support. It could be argued that at this moment this is probably the most significant priority in simple terms to preserve many lives.

 Governance

Governance remains a clear problem in many parts of Africa and the NEPAD peer review process is moving painstakingly slowly. The small improvements that have been made in this area are now threatened as with any economic contraction so too the opportunities of patronage contract suggesting an upswing in conflict.

According to Transparency International data for 2008, corruption remains a serious challenge for the continent and progress in combating it remains mixed. In 2008 the number of countries listed in the world top quartile rose to three (Botswana, Cape Verde and Mauritius) compared to two in 2007 (Botswana and South Africa).There might have been 4 in 2008 had the score for South Africa not slipped below 5. In 2008, 10 countries were in the second quartile (as in 2007), while 22 were in the third and 18 in the lowest, compared to 20 and 20 respectively in 2007. Although some countries improved their performance, it is clear that transparency and good governance remain elusive, with 36 countries still scoring less than 3, indicating that corruption is perceived as rampant.

Conflicts

Some countries continue to face particularly serious problems — including the humanitarian catastrophe in the Darfur region of Sudan, Zimbabwe and DRC though somewhat stabilized is still a cause for concern. Conflicts and political unrest in Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Madagascar Somalia, Nigeria, Algeria, Chad, Burundi are all likely to further impede economic progress. There are signs of hope from Kenya. Not all conflicts should be seen as equal in reason or outcome however the outcome for those caught in conflicts is invariably the same.

There have been over 9 million refugees and internally displaced people from conflicts in Africa. According to the author of stealth conflicts between 1990 and 2007 88% of global conflict death tolls are attributable to Africa.

Trade

EPA negotiations with the EU continue to threaten and damage regional cooperation. The EU is attempting to redefine trading blocs through the negotiations and creating divisions amongst them while holding out aid as a carrot. E.g Zimbabwe and Zambia have been swayed to negotiate under the East and Southern Africa EPA configuration. EU negotiations with individual countries have had a divisive effect and the general African position in reaching a better settlement with the EU has suffered as a result. This approach is also to the detriment of trade relations with emerging economies. Some countries have given into the strong arm tactics of the provisional EPA negotiations while others still resist. It seems that the approach is more about opening markets for European companies than about development.

There is still very limited intra regional trade in Africa only constituting some 13% of total trade. It is both a symptom and effect of limited regional integration and of unequal relations of power with the West. The EU and US are still the largest export destination (some 61%) but there has been a marked trade growth with India, China and to a lesser extent Brazil signalling something of a relief of the stranglehold of trade with developed nations. Similar patterns are observable in terms of FDI.

Sino African relations have strengthened considerably and in general the argument remains that whilst there is potential to break the Washington Consensus in these relations it will be important that Africa exports more than raw materials.

Southern Africa is confronted by a power crisis and attempts at regional partnerships have so far achieved little. This year saw the destabilisation of Westcor, the joint initiative to develop hydro power in the DRC between five countries in the region and BHP Billiton stepping in to offer co-development in order to power a new smelter. Is this a sign of things to come in the power sector?

Millennium Development Goals 

In September of 2000, world leaders gathered for a summit meeting at the United Nations headquarters in New York and once again, riled against global poverty and economic injustice. However, what made this summit different is that every leader agreed on a common vision for a better future — a world with less poverty, less hunger, equal opportunities for women, better access to education and health services.

The results of the MDGs for Sub Saharan Africa have been unconvincing at best. Whilst a few countries have made some progress on some of the measures, it is by in large acknowledged that overall little progress has been made and more recent trends indicate a worsening of the situation.

ODA

Most of the increase in ODA since 2000 has been limited to a handful of post-conflict countries, including Iraq and Afghanistan. In contrast, many of the poorest nations in Africa have seen very little increase in aid.

Pledges were made in 2005 at the EU and at the Gleneagles G8 Summits to more than double ODA to Africa to about $54 billion a year by 2010. Measured in current US dollars, this commitment is equivalent to at least US$62 billion. Rich-country support to domestic agriculture stood at $372 billion in 2006 more than three times the ODA that they provided to developing countries. Aid flows climbed from a low in 1997, until 2005 and in the wake of Gleneagles in fact dropped in 2006 and 2007.$7.6 Billion in additional ODA to Africa (in 2004 prices) was programmed into DAC donor spending plans at end-of 2008.

Many African countries have upheld their side of the Monterrey Consensus, by continuing with economic and political reforms and by focusing budgets on MDG-related social expenditures. But the scaled-up ODA promised by G8 donors has not materialized.

The goal of 0.7% of developed country GNI as ODA has been around for over 20 years. Recently these countries congratulated themselves on reaching 0.3% again after many years well below this level.

It must be added that I do not make these points on the absence of aid and broken promises out of a belief that aid itself is the answer to the problems faced by Africa. Indeed there is a convincing body of thought that argues that aid ensnares the elite, props up bad leaders and generally creates dependency. Finance is however an unavoidable necessity and more is helpful where we are able to ensure accountability. Yet aid is hap hazard and disjointed which completely undermines the idea of planning long term strategic and targeted spending to meet social goals. The same will be true if climate dollars ever do flow. 

Climate Change

17 years of engagement around climate change have not delivered very much at all. The recent debacle in Copenhagen that saw a loose accord, walkouts, dissenting countries and backroom deals cannot be defined as a consensus. A deal it seems is still a long way off and power exchanges do little to redress the climate debt that has been accrued over the epoch of industrialisation. There is a proposal for climate debt payment to be made to Africa but we must ask ourselves; can we really depend on climate debt payments to finance development in Africa, given that the same countries that would pay these debts have not followed through on ODA commitments?

Africa needs to face the fact that we are on our own to address development. And unless Africa develops herself by the time the worst impacts of climate change are realized we will still be standing with bowl in hand waiting for the a bankrupt capitalist system to save us. We are in a war against poverty and disease but the answer simply cannot be more of the same medicine that made us ill in the first place. The moral high ground is there for the taking. Energy sector developments that are environmentally conserving are there for the taking. We have two strategic benefits at this point. We are going to be getting more sunshine than most other places on earth and we hardly have any energy infrastructure in place (other than South Africa) that would be made redundant by a rapid change. Africa could lead the world out of the economic/climate crisis by implementing in our region the kind of economic system that places people at the centre and uses energy that acknowledges the fundamental link between us and our environment to drive this system.

 

Unity on May Day in Indonesia

INDONESIA: Tens of thousands of workers gathered in central Jakarta from the early hours of May 1, 2010 to demand changes in the social security laws and system. Workers travelled from as far as Bandung, Tanggarang and Bekasi to participate in this historic gathering of workers. The size of the crowd is unprecedented in the history of the Indonesian labour movement, some estimates putting it at more than eighty thousand people.

On the eve of the demonstration a meeting was held to discuss the weakness of the current social security laws and system. Said Iqbal, President of FSPMI, an IMF affiliate, in his capacity as chairman of the social security (Jamsostek) revision committee that was established by the Indonesian trade union movement, highlighted the weakness in the present set of social security laws, regulations and system. He pointed out that workers are not benefitting from these laws. The funds collected from workers are mismanaged by the government and workers are short changed, he alleged. Corruption in the system impedes efforts to protect workers, he lamented. He said that the Indonesian trade union movement should unite and challenge these abuses if workers are to be protected.

The march was led by the FSPMI. Thousand of FSPMI members, closely guarded by their own security apparatus called Metalguard wearing blue and red shirts led the march from the Thamrin area of Jakarta towards the Presidential Palace for a demonstration that lasted till late evening. The marchers were noisy but peaceful. The workers were carrying flags, banners, effigies and distributed pamphlets on their demand. They sang solidarity songs, chanted slogans and beat drums while marching. It was reported that the police stationed some 15,000 personnel to guard the demonstration.

Several speakers from atop a lorry spoke to the thousands gathered outside the Presidential Palace, which was well guarded by hundreds of police personnel, barb wire and police dogs. The sound of their demand echoed across the vast area.  Despite being exposed to the burning sun, the workers stood together to hear their leaders speak.

Iqbal said that the fight for meaningful social security laws and system has just begun.  The Indonesian unions have come together as a mark of solidarity on a common issue. He hoped that this spirit of cooperation, unity and solidarity will push forward their agenda for a fair and just deal for workers.

Turkish workers protest in Taksim Square on May Day

TURKEY: Around 200,000 workers and unionists gathered in Taksim Square in Istanbul on May Day for the first time since 1977 when 37 people were killed by a gunman who opened fire on crowds. No one has ever been brought to justice for these murders. Police have frequently used tear gas, water cannons and batons to disperse crowds gathering in the Square to commemorate May Day since. 

While the Turkish government decided to declare May Day as an official holiday last year and reopen the square this year, the struggle for unions and workers in Turkey continues.

Unions assembling in Taksim Square demanded their rights to freedom of association and to organize, job security in all sectors and a secure life for all people. As workers from all six Turkish labour confederations retook Taksim Square, Sinter Metal workers and members of IMF affiliate Birlesik Metal Is reflected on their long struggle and the historical significance of this day in the Turkish labour movement.

"The failure of justice is a comedy. Turkish trade union law should not take the employers’ side, but generally workers who organize face the same problem of victimization through dismissal all over the country. Our case was a big number-350 workers dismissed to avoid accepting the trade union-but this problem is so widespread, and justice hangs in the balance of one judge.

"In our case, this one labour court judge delayed our unfair dismissal case seven times, and we are suffering severe financial hardship. But I learned that nothing in life can be gained without a struggle and I will only get my rights if I fight for it. This year’s May Day is exciting and good. Last year, only 3,000 workers made it into Taksim Square and through clouds of tear gas, so many workers were afraid to come this year. But this year, we are in Taksim Square.  It is emotional to see workers show their power to all. Next year I hope there will be more of us here," said one of the Sinter Metal workers.

The Sinter Metal workers have held many protest actions and finally went on hunger strike March 2 to 6, 2010 to demand reinstatement and a ruling by the court on their unfair dismissal case of December 2008. Contrary to company’s claims, the Turkish Labour Ministry found that the dismissals were not motivated by the economic crisis. The judge postponed a ruling on their unfair dismissal case for the seventh time to August 2010 and the struggle continues. 

The global union movement is concerned about worker and trade union rights in Turkey which include dismissals and physical violence and the worrying trend in judicial union harassment, whereby trade unionists are being tried on "terrorist" charges including Public Services International-affiliated teachers’ union branch secretary, Seher Tümer.

On April 30, representatives from seven global union federations, including the IMF, and the International Confederation of Trade Unions and the European Confederation of Trade Unions, met with various affiliated unions in Turkey to coordinate ongoing solidarity actions and to highlight the global union movement’s determination to defend workers’ rights in Turkey.

The Global Unions that took part, who also joined Turkish trade unions in their march to Taksim Square, are: International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), Education International (EI), UNI (Union Network International), International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers’ Unions (ICEM), IUF (International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Association), International Metalworkers’ Federation (IMF), International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers’ Federation (ITGLWF) and Public Services International (PSI).

Jobs, Justice and Public Service — Getting the Economy to Work

GLOBAL: On today of all days trade unionists around the world demand fresh steps to reform the global economy in favour of social justice, investment in jobs and fairness in society. This is no time for business as usual.

Workers are being asked to pay an intolerably heavy price for recovery programmes that favour bankers and the old guard of the global economy. Millions of workers are losing their jobs or have been thrown into precarious work. Social safety nets are being torn apart. Public spending that provides for cohesive communities is being savagely cut.

With all of this in mind, Global Unions call on policymakers and democrats everywhere to support a new paradigm of recovery and social justice that will:

May Day 2010 is a moment to change course, to meet the aspirations of workers and communities for a new beginning, to put to flight self-serving politics and corporate greed, and, above all, to build anew solidarity in society in support of people-centered values that will enrich the lives of all.

Visit Global Unions’ website at http://www.global-unions.org/.

Global trade union network established at Caterpillar

FRANCE: Over 70 trade union delegates representing workers at Caterpillar facilities in seven countries – Germany, Belgium, Italy, France, Japan, the USA and the United Kingdom –  met on April 28-29, 2010 in Grenoble, France, under the aegis of the International Metalworkers’ Federation (IMF). 

During the meeting, the union representatives first discussed the situation on the construction market and the Caterpillar Group in the world: policies, and economic and industrial issues before, during and after the crisis. They also talked about Caterpillar social policy and human resource management worldwide. The reports from the national and plant level representatives have helped to gather first-hand information on employment and working conditions in various facilities of the Group and get an insight into the problems confronting Caterpillar workers in a globalized economy. 

Restructuring, social plans, work intensification, precarious employment in all its forms, new work organization, pitting workers against each other, lack of dialogue with management and its anti-union policy are some of the issues that were raised by the delegates. Beyond the specificities and cultures of each country, the existence of common problems and objectives has shown the need for unions to consolidate their links and join forces to advance fundamental workers’ rights at Caterpillar and improve employment and working conditions.

As an outcome of this first meeting in France, the participants agreed to reinforce their cooperation at international level and establish a Caterpillar trade union network. The objective is to deepen the exchange of information on the situation in the various countries, work together to promote workers’ rights at Caterpillar, its suppliers and sub-contractors throughout the world, and develop joint initiatives and action. The delegates also agreed to establish links and build solidarity with Caterpillar workers in other countries that were not represented in the meeting and have set up a drafting group composed of representatives from the various regions to develop a work plan for the network.

The participants deplored the fact that Caterpillar local management rejected the request made by the French unions to tour the plant. They demand that a constructive and open dialogue be initiated at world level between Caterpillar management and the IMF Caterpillar trade union network.

This meeting is part of a larger strategy of trade union networks developed by the IMF, which aims at building a counterweight to transnational corporations.

Workers picket Russian ore mining company

RUSSIA: On April 19 workers of Alexandrinskaya Ore Mining Company in Chelyabinsk affiliated to a large trust Russian Ore Mining Company expressed their protest against the anti-union behavior of their employer.

For several months the primary organization of the Miners’ & Metallurgical Workers’ Union of Russia (MMWU), an IMF affiliate, has been under strong pressure. The employer carries out layoffs at the enterprise and primarily dismisses trade union activists. Deputy chair of the union committee Natalya Kniazkova was dismissed twice. Both times she was reinstated upon court orders. However, a new order of dismissal has been issued on her name again. Threatening workers with dismissals the employer forces them to withdraw from the trade union. In addition, since last year the management has not fulfilled terms of the collective agreement particularly the clauses regarding wage increases.

For a long time the workers did not express their outrage for fear of loosing their jobs. However their patience is over now. "Stop pressure against trade union members!" reads one of the main demands brought forward by miners who came from Chelyabinsk and expressed their indignation in front of the company’s office.

Miners from Alexandrinskaya Ore Mining Company received solidarity support from the two other enterprises affiliated to the same trust, Kyshtym Copper Electrolytic Plant and Karabash Copper Plant, whose representatives joined the action and other metalworking enterprises of Chelyabinsk. At Kyshtym Copper Electrolytic Plant the collective agreement is not respected either and its workers joined the miners demanding to restore governance of law at their enterprise. MMWU regional committee in Chelyabinsk renders organizational support to the protesters.

Taiwanese electronics workers fight for rights

TAIWAN: Young Fast Optoelectronics (YFO) sacked five union leaders and ten union members in March 2010 after the newly-established union raised complaints about rampant illegalities at the company where workers endure sweatshop conditions. In support of the workers and their union, the International Metalworkers’ Federation urges its affiliates to sign on to the workers’ campaign.

Despite posting a record-high profit last year working conditions for the 1,300 workers at YFO Taoyuan Plant are extremely poor. Aside from low wages, high work intensity, forced overtime without pay, and poor health and safety conditions, YFO also hired 200 migrant workers and 400 high school "interns" (some of them are below the age of 16, which is the legal criteria of child labour in Taiwan) and pay them less than the legal minimum wage.

The workers organized a trade union, the Young Fast Optoelectronics Trade Union (YFOTU), in December 2009 to address the problems. The management promptly dismissed five union officers and more than ten active union members in March 2010, claiming their production line will be moved to China. Trade unionists in Taiwan believe that this is a deliberate union-busting action and gross violation of the Labour Union Law in Taiwan.

YFOTU and National Federation of Independent Trade Unions (NAFITU), which YFOTU is affiliated with, have waged a campaign since the illegal dismissal demanding:

YFO is a Taiwan-based producer of touch-sensor used on high-end mobile phones. It is a major supplier to brand names such as Samsung, LG, HTC, Qualcomm and so on. Google is to become the major buyer of YFO products through subcontracting the manufacturing of Google Phone to HTC and Qualcomm. YFO has three plants in Guangdong, China, one in Hanoi, Vietnam, and one in Tao-Yuan, Taiwan, and a combined workforce of more than 10,000.

The IMF has sent a letter to the Taiwanese government urging them to immediately investigate and remedy the rights of the workers and their union and calls on its affiliates to also lend their support by signing onto the LabourStart campaign here.

Additional information about the dispute at YFO is available in the YFOTU fact sheet available on the IMF website here.