Arcelor Mittal and unions together on health and safety

GLOBAL:  The world’s largest steel company Arcelor Mittal and trade unions representing its employees from over 20 countries today (September 17) announced a new and innovative approach to health and safety concerns in the company.

Meeting in Montreal at the International Metalworkers’ Federation’s first world conference of Arcelor Mittal and its trade unions, the company and the unions committed themselves to a joint programme of education and training to raise health and safety standards throughout the company.

The new approach will see the creation of a task force of trade union and company health and safety experts from across the globe that will target plants in the group in order to work to dramatically improve their performance.  Through the commitment to work together unions and the company will work towards the vision of eliminating hazards workers encounter in their daily work.

Marcello Malentacchi General Secretary of the International Metalworkers’ Federation explained, “Occupational health and safety is undoubtedly the single most important issue for working people, irrespective of which region of the world or country in which they happen to live.”

Leo Gerard International President of the United Steelworkers added, “Arcelor Mittal is one of the world’s most profitable steel companies, but the true test of any great company is not only on the balance sheet but the way it treats its workers.”

According to Arcelor Mittal President and Chief Executive Officer Lakshmi Mittal, “Arcelor Mittal sets Health and Safety above all other priorities and is committed to achieving the highest standards for our employees. We are pleased and encouraged in joining our trade unions in achieving our joint vision to be the safest steel company in the world.  One of our first joint initiatives since the merger of Arcelor and Mittal was the undertaking of a global safety and health day on March 6, 2007 wherein management and trade unions from around the world simultaneously committed to achieving our safety and health goals.”

Arcelor Mittal is the world’s largest steel company with 61 plants in 27 countries. Trade unions from the following countries took part in the meeting in Montreal: Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Czech Republic, France, Germany, India, Italy, Liberia, Luxemburg, Macedonia, Mexico, Poland, Romania, Russia, South Africa, Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, United Kingdom, United States of America.

Latin American affiliates stage demonstrations at Mexican embassies

LATIN AMERICA/MEXICO: Affiliates of the International Metalworkers’ Federation in Latin America and the Caribbean held demonstrations in front of Mexican embassies on September 5, calling for an end to the persecution the National Miners’ and Metalworkers’ Union (SNTMMSRM).

The actions were coordinated with the release of audit findings exonerating Napoleón Gómez Urrutia of embezzling monies from a $55 million fund owned by the union. Affiliates presented the audit findings and solidarity letters to Mexican ambassadors in their respective countries. The audit report, which was commissioned by the IMF and conducted by the company Horwath Berney Audit S.A., demonstrated that the charges of embezzlement or misappropriation of funds against Napoleón Gómez Urrutia, SNTMMSRM general secretary, were entirely groundless, and were thus absolutely false. The audit confirmed that all funds of the union’s are accounted for.


In addition, those demonstrating demanded that the Mexican government:

• Stop its political persecution of Napoleón Gómez Urrutia and the SNTMMSRM;
• Immediately return all frozen funds to the union and to Gómez;
• Withdraw all charges still pending related to the $55 million fund;
• Take legal action against those responsible for the distortion of facts and falsification of documents;
• Investigate the involvement of Grupo México in the recent killing of Reinaldo Hernández González, and the detention and torture of 20 members of the SNTMMSRM in Nacozari;
• Recover the 63 bodies still buried for more than 17 months in Pasta de Conchos due to the negligence of Grupo México.

Among the organizations participating in this campaign was: the National Confederation of Women Miners of Peru (CNMM) which held demonstrations outside the Mexican embassy in Peru with signs criticizing Grupo México and supporting Napoleón Gómez; FETRAMIHM of Honduras and FENATRAMIM of the Dominican Republic; CONSTRAMET and CONFETEMA of Chile; AOMA of Argentina; and unions from Colombia, and others. 
 
Other organizations which are not affiliated with the IMF also expressed solidarity with our SNTMMSRM brothers, such as the Cuban Social-Revolutionaries, who expressed their “vigorous fraternity with the Latin American solidarity campaign for Napoleón Gómez Urrutia and the National Miners’ Union of Mexico.”

Workers killed in Turkish shipyard

TURKEY: Last month, five shipyard workers were killed due to unsafe working conditions at the Tuzla shipyard in İstanbul, where expensive ships and yachts are built.  The recent deaths mark a dramatic increase in occupational fatalities at this busy shipyard, where workers toil long hours for sub-standard wages with little to no health and safety protections, and even less job security or social benefits.

Since 2000, there have been a total of 31 occupational fatalities at the Tuzla shipyard. In 2006 alone, six workers were killed. “They are all victims of occupational murder, not occupational accidents,” said Musa  Çam, general secretary of the Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions of Turkey (DiSK), one of four national union centres in Turkey. “The list of the workers who were injured or crippled because of insufficient job security is much longer. Some of the workers have no social security so they couldn’t benefit from health service.”

Shipyard employers are some of the worst exploiters of precarious workers. The Union of Port, Dock, Ship Building and Repair Workers (Limter-İş), an affiliate of the International Metalworkers’ Federation, represents workers at the Tuzla shipyard and operates under intense difficulties. On May 31, 2006, police attacked workers protesting the company’s failure to pay wages for two months. Six workers were seriously injured and 16 were arrested, including Limter Is president Cem Dinç and union official Kamber Saygili, who remained in jail for 40 days.

“How many more men and women must die in vain, before shipyard workers win living wages, permanent employment, social security and basic worker protections that all workers are entitled to?” asked Marcello Malentacchi, IMF general secretary. “The IMF fully supports Limter-İş and their struggle to improve working conditions at the Tuzla shipyard

IMF asks Gerdau to recognise trade union rights in Peru

PERU: In an open letter to workers at Gerdau S.A. Group, the International Metalworkers’ Federation commended Gerdau for its decision to encourage employees to contribute to victims of the massive earthquake that recently hit Peru and the company’s commitment to contribute twice the amount raised by its employees. However, the IMF also calls on the company to extend this act of social responsibility by ending the anti-trade union practices it adopts in Peru and Colombia.

On August 15 a massive magnitude-8 earthquake devastated cities in Peru’s southern desert. Hundreds of people died and many thousands more were affected by the disaster. The earthquake was centred at the oasis city of Ica and the nearby port of Pisco, about 125 miles southeast of the capital, Lima.

Immediately after disaster struck individuals, social organisations, trade unions, religious organisations and companies began collecting medicines, food, clothes and building materials to help the victims and to try to reconstruct the affected areas. Trade union organisations across Latin America also expressed solidarity with workers and people affected by the earthquake in Peru.

In the specific case of Gerdau, which has a steelworks in Chimbote and offices in Lima, none of its employees were affected by the earthquake. However, two families of workers died during the disaster. In response, Gerdau issued a message to all its employees calling on them to contribute to the campaign to raise funds for earthquake relief, with the company committing to contribute twice the amount raised by its own employees in Peru.

A copy of IMF’s open letter to Gerdau employees is published on the IMF website in English, Spanish and Portuguese.

Audit confirms no funds missing

GENEVA/MEXICO:  An independent audit of a $55 million fund owned by the National Miners’ and Metalworkers’ Union (SNTMMSRM) in Mexico shows all funds are accounted for, exonerating SNTMMSRM general secretary Napoleón Gómez Urrutia of all charges of theft or misappropriation of funds.

“This is a powerful affirmation for Napoleón, the union, and labour leaders around the world who have repeatedly denounced the false charges levied against Napoleón,” said International Metalworkers’ Federation general secretary Marcello Malentacchi. “Not only does this audit prove that the charges raised against Napoleón are unfounded and fraudulent, but it highlights just how far Grupo Mexico and the Mexican government will go to seize control of the SNTMMSRM.”

 The audit was commissioned by the IMF and conducted by Horwath Berney Audit S.A. in Geneva, Switzerland.

Representatives from the SNTMMSRM, United Steel Workers, AFL-CIO and the IMF held a press conference in Mexico City announcing the audit findings and calling on the government to:

Documents including the auditors’ report, an Executive Summary of the audit report, and a statement signed by 17 members of the IMF Executive Committee was delivered to Mexican President Felipe Calderón and the governors of two Mexican states where charges against Gómez are still pending. Solidarity actions in front of Mexican embassies throughout Latin America are scheduled to take place on September 5.

The audit is in response to a government investigation into illegal use of union funds. In February and March 2006, the Mexican government used falsified documents to publicly accuse Gómez of embezzling an unspecified amount from the $55 million fund owned by the union. The government removed Gómez from his position as general secretary, imposed an appointed replacement, and seized all personal assets and those of the SNTMMSRM.

The multi-million dollar fund is the result of an agreement made dating back almost 20 years. In 1989 and 1990, the Mexican government sold three mines to Grupo Mexico. The deal included payment to the SNTMMSRM, which at the time totaled US $31 million. For 15 years, Grupo Mexico refused to honour the deal. Then, in January 2005, the company was finally forced to pay an adjusted amount of US $55 million. To date, accounts remain frozen and charges are still pending against Gómez at the state level. However, similar charges filed in federal court against Gómez have been dropped.

“It’s criminal,” Malentacchi added.”Grupo Mexico and the Mexican government must be held accountable to the law, the very law they so blatantly manipulate to their advantage and profit at the expense of workers’ lives.”

To request a copy of the audit brief, contact Kristyne Peter at the IMF in Geneva. Call +41 22 308 5031 or email: [email protected]

Metal World out now

GLOBAL: Metal World travels to Latin America in the latest “new-look” issue published today and takes a closer look at metalworking in Brazil. Trade union members Julio Cesar and José Pereira Miranda speak about their experiences as metalworkers and the importance of the trade unions in their workplaces in Brazil.

Silvia Portela de Castro reports on the project of setting up Mercosul, the common market in Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, and examines the challenges trade unions face in influencing the direction of this bloc in a special report on Metalworkers and the Mercosul.

In a personal profile Alexei Etmanov, a trade unionist at a Ford plant in Russia, speaks about how his whole concept of unionism was changed after visiting Brazil in 2005. This latest issue of Metal World also includes all the latest news and pictures from IMF and its affiliates.

Metal World, IMF's quarterly magazine,  has undergone a revitalisation process in recent months and now sports a totally new modern design. The changes are the results of comments and feedback from readers and affiliates of the IMF.

The magazine is available as a pdf download on the IMF website in English (Russian and Japanese editions will follow) and is available in print, by sending subscription details to: [email protected]

Capitalists profit at the expense of workers' health

Text / Masha Kurzina

ST PETERSBURG, RUSSIA. Workers in Russia’s auto industry, which is rapidly expanding and advancing, are now at the forefront of the country’s trade union movement. One such worker is Alexei Etmanov, the president of the trade union committee at a Ford Motor Company plant in Vsevolozhsk, a small town near St Petersburg.

“Russia today is one country where cars can be built cheaply and sold with a good profit. All the world’s largest automakers are now looking at Russia. In St Petersburg alone three assembly plants are being built, as well as a couple of spare parts plants. Who knows how many plants it would be across Russia? This demands that we raise the benchmark of pay and take advantage of the shortage of qualified labour, so that the high degree of exploitation will at least be offset by high wages. Although — we are certainly against exploitation,” says Alexei.

Alexei, a welder, came to the Ford plant and joined the union in 2003. In the spring of 2005 he went to Brazil as a member of a trade union delegation supported by the Transnational Information Exchange (TIE). This trip changed his concept of the union — and his life.
Alexei found the contrast between Brazilian and Russian trade unionism startling. He compared the working conditions in the two countries, taking into account the difference in living standards, and felt that the wages at the Ford plant in Vsevolozhsk were too low. Unlike Brazilians, Russian workers were not paid bonuses at the end of year and had no share in the company’s profits. And the union’s activists were still “taking care of problems” and “stepping into the administration’s shoes”.

It took Alexei and his comrades at the plant one and a half years to revive the union and make it a strong, solid organization respected by the workers. The union has run two campaigns to raise wages and improve working conditions. The first included two work-to-rule “strikes” in 2006, which resulted in 14 per cent wage increases, abolition of regular overtime and a new bonus system. The second included a one day strike in February 2007, which resulted in an agreement to prevent outsourcing work and the use of agency labour at the site and other financial and social improvements for the workers.

The offensive and, more importantly, the victory of the Ford workers has had an explosive effect in Russia, where unions rarely gain attention in the mainstream media. Charismatic and steadfast in his principles, Alexei became a media favourite. The March issue of Russia’s edition of Forbes featured the title “Trade unions against capital” and stated it is useless to fight against organized workers. While the trade union broke through the information blockade, before long it faced a renewed counter-offensive by employers including a series of illegal lay-offs, arrests and reprisals.

Today the principal demands of the Ford workers include, besides pay increases, recognition of harmful operations and opposition to outsourcing. “At TNCs, the workers are under enormous pressure,” says Alexei. “People are being hooked on overtime. They get a worker used to overtime so he or she can work another hundred hours doubling their pay, but all at the expense of their health. And who will count the time and money it will take this worker to restore his or her damaged health afterwards? They keep telling us ‘the production
is safe, not harmful for health’. I never in my life saw a welding shop or a paint shop where dangers to health were not recognized,” he says.

Alexei is optimistic about the prospects of union organizing in Russia. “The prospects for trade unionism in the auto industry are great. The truth is that Russians will no longer put up with the situation of ‘natives’ ready to work for ‘glass beads’ and ‘firewater’. And the understanding that only united workers can resist the power of money and laws made to protect employer comes as quickly,” says Alexei.

Alexei’s union belongs to the Interregional Autoworkers’ Trade Union (IATU) in Russia. The IATU’s application for affiliation to the IMF will be considered at the Central Committee in November this year.

Metalworking in Brazil

To be a metalworker is no mean feat in Brazil, a country with more than 1,700,000 metalworkers and where the current President of the Republic, Luis Inácio Lula Da Silva, was a metalworker and trade unionist until he came to office in 2003.

Lula was president of the ABC Metalworkers’ Union, a founding member of one of the country’s national trade union centres — the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT). He was also president of the Workers’ Party and a candidate at four presidential elections until the Brazilian people finally elected him in 2002.

The news that a metalworker and not a businessman had been elected astonished many people, nationally and internationally. The inauguration ceremony was attended by thousands of people, including many metalworkers, one of whom was Julio Cesar Gonçales. Julio, who works at DaimlerChrysler, wanted to be present at Lula’s inauguration because, “I wanted to see with my own eyes a worker, a metalworker, inaugurated as president. This was a very unusual thing to happen, because people always preferred the wealthier candidates.”

The life of Julio Cesar, or “Julinho” as he is known to his friends, has many similarities with that of Lula. He is a metalworker, employed by DaimlerChrysler at its São Bernardo do Campo factory, and an activist with the ABC Metalworkers’ Union. His union is affiliated to the national metalworkers’ confederation of CUT, the Confederación Nacional de Metalúrgicos (CNM), which is affiliated to the IMF. Like Lula, poverty also forced Julinho’s family to emigrate to the São Paulo region. “I was 13 when I arrived from Minas Gerais with my parents and 11 brothers and sisters in 1978 to live in a house that had only one bedroom.”

The family set up home in the area known as the ABC region of São Paulo, which includes seven of the 33 municipalities that form the São Paulo metropolitan region. The ABC region is the country’s industrial heartland and it takes its name from the initials of the three local municipalities — Santo André, São Bernardo do Campo and São Caetano do Sul.

Julinho lives in Mauá, one of the seven ABC municipalities, in a poor neighbourhood, with his wife Deborah and two sons, seven-year-old João Victor and Pedro Henrique, who is 18 months old.

José Pereira Miranda works at the MWM engine plant and is an activist in the union affiliated to the metalworkers’ confederation of the national trade union centre Força Sindical, the Confederación Nacional de Trabalhadores Metalúrgicos (CNTM), also an affiliate of the IMF.

José is the oldest of eight brothers. His family also emigrated from Mineras Gerais and when he was 14 arrived in São Paulo with his family to live in a shanty town. He now lives on the outskirts of the city, with his wife Mirley and three-year-old daughter Milena. He is building his own house, where he intends to start an internet services business aimed at young people in the neighbourhood who have no access to computers. “Thanks to God, I am just finishing my house. I bought a plot of land for my family and little by little began to build my house. I have completed the kitchen, a bedroom, the bathroom and the laundry room and I am building a second floor, which will be the library.”

José and Julinho endured an extremely poor childhood. However, becoming metalworkers has led to a considerable improvement in their living conditions. Julinho started work at the DaimlerChrysler factory in São Bernardo do Campo in 1999, after working in several small factories as a teenager. Getting a job at Daimler made it possible for him to marry Deborah that same year and to finally build a home for them. He is currently a logistics operator and works from 5:45 a.m. till 3 p.m. for an hourly wage of 13 reais and 45 cents (US$7.05). Speaking of his wages, he says, “the way things are today, it’s a fairly good wage. It was worse under previous governments. Inflation has stabilised under Lula and the prices are the same when I go to the supermarket. Prices used to go up every month when Fernando Henrique Cardoso was president. I can afford to buy much more food now. I used to go only to small markets but now I can go to the major supermarkets and shopping malls where rich people go.”

In 1988, after advice from a friend who worked at MWM, José called at the engine plant to leave his resumé. “I thought the work looked great and decided that I wanted to work there, and that is exactly what happened,” he said. He works from 6 a.m. to 2 p.m. assembling engines and his monthly wage is approximately 1500 reais (US$785).

Importance of the union
Workers in the ABC region are active in the trade union struggle on a daily basis. The metalworkers’ unions have negotiated significant benefits for them and workers at DaimlerChrysler are no exception. Julinho believes the union is very important and that it was thanks to the union’s efforts that he still has a job.

He recalls a time when he became ill in 2000 and was unable to work for four months. “When I returned to work, I was on the list of workers to be sacked. I went and spoke to the local union at the plant and it gave me full support, saying that I should not be sacked for being ill. I was laid-off for one month but the first thing the union did was to ensure I was paid normally. Then I received a call telling me I had been reinstated.”

According to Julinho, the benefits provided by the company, such as health insurance and country club and food vouchers, were won by the works council (Commissão de Fábrica).

Works councils consist of representatives of the workers at the plant and are usually organised by a union. They offer facilities for workers, such as cafes, computers and games, although some are better equipped than others.

At DaimlerChrysler the works council is staffed by members who work full time for the union.

For José Pereira, “the unions are extremely important and provide an organisational base that keeps us united inside and outside the factory. The union’s presence inside the company is very important. We are now more aware about wages issues, we respect agreements and we defend our interests.”

Among the benefits provided by MWM, which he argues are the result of the works council’s work, are transport, improved canteen, health care, schooling and education agreements. He emphasises that, “I myself am a beneficiary. I am studying to be a teacher and aim to get a qualification in teaching Portuguese.” He also said he wants to improve his English because, “the labour market needs skills and metalworkers need to study and specialise more these days. I feel the need to learn and I intend to work as a teacher in the afternoon or in the evening. There is a lot of demand because, in Brazil, you have to
go to private schools to get a good education.”

The trade union struggle
Latin America has endured military governments in many countries in recent times, including Brazil, where the dictatorship lasted from 1964 until 1985. This was a period of repression, murders and human rights abuses.

At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, trade unions became stronger and the metalworkers were among the first to reorganise. It was at this time that the two unions, CNM/CUT and CNTM/Força Sindical, emerged. Both confederations are currently fighting for the same things, however CNM/CUT is more closely linked to one of the parties in the government, as more than 80 per cent of CUT’s leaders are members of Lula’s party, the Workers’ Party.

The election of a trade union leader and metalworker as president raised expectations about Brazilian government policy on labour issues. However, in practice, what has having a metalworker as president meant for Brazil? Have workers and trade unions benefited?
Eleno Becerra, CNTM/Força Sindical President, says, “everybody thought that the Lula government would solve most of the problems of Brazilian workers, for example, trade union reform, legalisation of the trade union centres and reduction in working time. This has not happened but this government has been a bit better than previous governments.”

Valter Sanches, CNM/CUT General Secretary, says, “because of Lula’s personal history and commitment, government policy is focused on improving the situation of the poorest people. For example, its policy of increasing the real value of the minimum wage, which was negotiated with the trade unions, has doubled the purchasing power of the minimum wage in four years.” He explains that, “the country has begun to grow and develop again, but with better distribution of income. The poorest regions are growing faster than the average for the country as a whole. The domestic market is growing and has created almost eight million jobs between 2003 and 2006, including 400,000 in the metalworking industry.”

He adds, “to have a metalworker as president makes all the difference because Lula takes every opportunity to show he is on our side. However, as the government is a coalition government composed of political forces that want to promote policies favourable to capital, the trade unions are more conscious than ever of the need to maintain their independence and fight for workers’ interests.”

Both leaders agree that wage increases have been the biggest achievement for metalworkers. In the last four years, the growth in employment, especially in the metalworking industry, has resulted in a reduction in regional wage differences, a 12 per cent real increase in wages and a 40 per cent increase in the basic wage rate.

They also agree about the problems faced by workers and their unions. Outsourcing is one of them, especially in the more far-flung cities in Brazil.

“There is a big difference between regions with a greater or lesser tradition of trade union organisation. Companies often pay workers in some regions of the country up to four times less than they do in the regions with higher wages,” explains Sanches.

“There are two different situations in Brazil. In the south, unions are better structured, are stronger, stand up to the companies in negotiations and prevent outsourcing. In the north, unions find this more difficult to do. So we are conducting a campaign to combat this difference,” said Becerra. The aim is to conclude agreements that cover metalworkers in all regions of Brazil. Sanches explains that, “the central focus of our campaign is to achieve a national collective agreement aimed at reducing these regional and sector differences. Our main slogan is to campaign for a Unified National Wage Campaign in September.”

Reforming the labour laws
In Brazil, the Consolidated Labour Laws (CLT) do not provide for the existence of trade union centrals. So the trade union structure and legislation on collective bargaining hold back the unions. “Many companies do not respect the right to trade union organisation. It is very common for trade union leaders to be sacked if they begin to fight for the rights of their colleagues,” explains Sanches.

That is why the confederations are pressuring the National Congress to vote for a Trade Union Reform Bill and protesting against attempts by the right in Congress to introduce legislation to make employment more “flexible”.

Eleno agrees that employment legislation needs modernising but argued that this should not result in the elimination of workers’ rights. He added that the 1988 Constitution made industrial relations more difficult in Brazil because it allowed the creation of unions for each type of job, which weakens unions. For example, a company employing 500 workers may have 200 separate categories of workers and so the workforce cannot be represented collectively. “The trade union movement in this country today is one of the strongest in the world, but it could be a lot stronger,” Eleno added.

Unions are also campaigning on the issue of working time. Studies carried out by the trade union research institute, DIESSE, show that the average working week of a metalworker is 42 hours in São Paulo, 44 hours in Salvador and 47 hours in Recife, with 65.1 per cent of workers exceeding the number of hours permitted by the law.
The metalworkers’ confederations are working together to reduce the working week from 44 to 40 hours. They aim to organise a campaign to reduce working time, which will encourage the creation of new jobs and avoid exploitation of workers.

Poverty, the value of education, children
Julinho and José are aware that there are significant differences between the different regions of Brazil. The wages and working time of people in São Paulo are very different to those in the interior of the state or in other states like Minas Gerais, where people must work harder but receive lower wages.

“A lot of my friends find it very difficult to earn a living and are very poor”, said José. He speaks of how poverty led, for example, to mothers giving their children away for adoption because they cannot afford to look after them. José knows about this from personal experience because he adopted his daughter Milena. He and his wife tried for a child for around ten years, but despite treatment, this did not happen, so they decided to adopt. They waited for two years before adopting Milena. The baby’s biological mother gave her away for adoption because she already had two children and was living in extreme poverty.

The metalworkers’ trade union movement, especially in São Paulo, has managed to achieve better working and living conditions after much struggle. Its biggest achievement is participation in company profits. Workers receive an annual amount negotiated by the union. Thanks to the profit sharing scheme, Participação nos Lucros e Resultados (PLR) – as it is called in Brazil, Julinho and José have been able to build their own house, buy a car and make their families more comfortable. “Before I started working at DaimlerChrysler, I only had a plot of land. Now I can go to the beach, and enjoy myself more,” said Julinho.
Both workers have a lot in common. They emigrated with their families to escape poverty and spent their childhood in great need. So when they talk about their dreams, they focus on education.

“I dream that trade unions will always be here, so that I will feel secure that I can work for the company until I retire. Many workers would be unemployed without the union. I also want my children to go to university, to have a profession and to be recognized because of
their education,” said Julinho.

“I want to be always achieving things, improving through education, learning new languages and that my daughter has a good education. We need to keep fighting to ensure these dreams come true,” said José.

There are many workers, like José and Julinho, who have escaped poverty and now live in dignified conditions thanks to their employment as metalworkers and their understanding of the importance of trade unions. Through solidarity the hope is that all other Brazilian workers will achieve as much as they have.

Brazil
The Federal Republic of Brazil has 180 million inhabitants. Its capital is Brasilia and its language is Portuguese.

The head of the Executive Power is the President, elected by universal suffrage every four years.

Brazil is the leading country of the Mercosur region (Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay) and plays an important role in the G20. It is currently an agricultural superpower and industrialised country. It is a major exporter of vehicles, mobile phones and aircraft.

Taking action against precarious work
In recent months thousands of metalworkers have participated in mass mobilizations to stop precarious workers from losing access to social benefits.

In March, President Lula signed into law a bill that creates the “Super-Receita” a public organisation that combines the revenue collection units from the federal tax service with the social security tax collections. However, Lula vetoed the controversial “Amendment 3”, which was added by a group of parliamentarians to the tax reform bill and approved by Congress by a very large margin. The amendment prohibited tax collectors from deciding whether a “self-employed” professional could be considered a “firm” or a regular individual tax payer, effectively limiting workers that are precariously employed from accessing social benefits. For example, the amendment would end the 13th wage (a bonus paid in December), paid holidays, healthcare, redundancy payments and other benefits.

The same group of parliamentarians that introduced the bill are threatening to override the veto. Both the CNTM/FS and the CNM/CUT are fully mobilised against this reform and have been supporting a series of protests and demonstrations on the issue.

Eleno Becerra, CNTM/FS President, says that if Lula had not vetoed the proposal, “he would have gone down in history as the president who removed workers’ rights, because there would not be many registered workers left within the next six years. We would have become another China, which is what the companies want.”

Metalworkers and the Mercosul

Text / Maria Silvia Portela de Castro
Photos / Roberto Parizotti
Translation / Alex dos Santos and Chris Whitehouse

Financial and trade liberalization, profound technological changes and globalization of markets have produced a new geography of trade and production, based on free corporate competition and on increasing concentration of financial and technological capital in the developed and more industrialized countries.

Today, across Latin America and the Caribbean, the trade union movement is facing many difficulties and threats, both at the workplace and at sectoral levels. These challenges arise out of privatization, the opening of trade and finance and the introduction of new forms of employment contracts, featuring increased labour flexibility implemented mainly during the 1990s. Trade unions live within an environment that extends beyond national borders, forcing them to adapt to a new economic and productive setting, both domestically and abroad.

Within this context the phenomenon of market regionalization emerged and led to the creation, in 1991, of Mercosul through the association of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. This process of establishing a Common Market has been systematically monitored by the trade unions in these countries, demanding not only the adoption of instruments for social and labour protections, but equally pressing for their views to be heard and taken into account during the process of economic and trade negotiations.

Mercosul: a brief history
Mercosul (Mercado Comum do Sul – Common Market of the South), was created on March 26, 1991 through the Treaty of Assunción, signed by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Currently, the Mercosul countries account for an estimated total population of 220 million inhabitants and a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of roughly US$ 1.3 trillion. In 2006, Venezuela applied for membership of the bloc and is currently undergoing a transition period seeking to fulfil criteria for its incorporation.

The Treaty of Assunción sets out as objectives the creation of a Common Market formed by the States that make up Mercosul and seeks to reach a stage of free movement of goods, capital and people. The Treaty aims to create a Common Market through trade liberalization first initiated by a free trade zone, then a Customs Union and finally into a Common Market. The Mercosul has undergone ups and downs which can be briefly described in the following periods:

1991 to 1994 was clearly a period of construction with defined goals including the implementation of the free trade zone through tariff elimination, the definition of a framework for a common external tariff and the comparison and harmonization of laws and policies of the four countries within a vast list of topics and disciplines, aimed at the creation of a future Customs Union. It was a period of solid growth in terms of intra-regional trade and the end of the transition period from a closed economy into an open and deregulated economy.

In 1994, the Ouro Preto Protocol was approved and defined the institutional structure for the next stage of the process. In January, 1995, an imperfect free trade zone was initiated, where both Paraguay and Uruguay negotiated longer deadlines for the elimination of tariffs, and certain products were included in lists of exceptions as they were either considered strategic or were awaiting the promulgation of specific trade legislation. Of these lists of exceptions, only two products still fall under such condition: sugar and the auto industry.

From 1995 to 1997 the plans for foreign exchange overvaluation and privatizations came into full effect. There was significant growth in intra-regional trade and a strong growth in the extra-regional exports causing an appreciable deficit in the external balance of payments especially for Argentina and Brazil and intense external negotiations. It was a period in which few decisions were taken in non-trade related topics.

1998 to 2002 was a period marked by a crisis and fall in the levels of trade, increased decisions about political and social topics and intense external negotiations.

2003 to 2006, the period still in force, consists of strong political changes, which began when President Lula took office in Brazil and culminates with Venezuela’s entry into the bloc. Except for an increased interest taken in the World Trade Organization’s negotiations, this period shows a low level of external negotiations, but intense negotiations at the regional level, including building relationships with organisations seeking integration in South America. It differentiates itself from the previous periods by its political discourse and by its enhancement
of social themes.

Institutional Structure
The decision-making level of Mersosul includes the Common Market Council, the Common Market Group and the Trade Commission of Mercosul, which aims to ensure the free trade zone is finalised and to build the Customs Union. These structures where established through the Ouro Preto Protocol, which also enhanced the role of the Joint Parliamentary Commission and in 1996 created a consulting body representing civil society, the Economic and Social Consulting Forum.
After 2004 there was an important advancement in the Mercosul’s structure which was driven by the new political views of the current four governments, most notably the creation of the Mercosul’s Arbitration Tribunal, created in 2006 in Paraguay, the creation of the Mercosul’s Parliament, set up in Montevideo, Uruguay in May 2007 and the Social Institute, set up in Assunción, in June 2007.

Addressing Labour matters
Under pressure from the trade union organisation known as the Coordination of South Cone Trade Union Centres, Mercosul since its inception has dealt with labour matters in the Labour Relations, Employment and Social Security Sub-Group (SGT10), which is coordinated by the Labour Ministries with the participation of labour and employers’ organizations from the four countries.

Operating since 1992, SGT10 was able to achieve important results including the approval of the Social and Labour Declaration in December 1998, a legal instrument of a non-binding nature, which establishes a compromise between the Member States for the application of a set of basic and universal rights. These rights include freedom of association and collective bargaining, non-discrimination and equal treatment, eradication of child and forced labour, implementation of employment policies and proper vocational training, adoption of fundamental health and safety standards and the right to social protections. To follow-up on their application the Social and Labour Commission was created, a tripartite body that began operating in 2000, which submits its findings, recommendations and/or complaints to the Common Market Group.

In addition, in April 2004 the first Mercosul Conference on Employment was organized. It was a tripartite meeting and its most important outcome was the creation of the Mercosul High Level Group for Employment Strategy, which in 2007 had its Guidelines approved by the Council. The guidelines and goals set up by the strategy group include the changing of the Labour Market Observatory into an institute of tripartite composition, which will operate as a technical body intended to assist in the implementation of new employment policies.

Political changes and the new challenges
With the election of President Lula in Brazil in 2002, President Kirchner in Argentina in 2003 and Tabaré Vasquez in Uruguay in 2004, new political winds of change started to lead the Mercosul’s negotiation process and social issues gained more attention.

A significant change occurred in foreign relations policies. Mercosul refused to accept the continuation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas negotiations as well as the European Union’s trade proposals, and began assuming the leadership in articulating the demands of many developing countries in trade negotiations within the World Trade Organisation. At the regional level, Mercosul began driving the advancement of the Union of South American Nations and the complex process of energy integration including the construction of gas pipelines, extension of lines and the use of bio-fuels.

Another very important aspect was the renewed construction of the common market through the Working Plan 2004-2006, a new schedule of goals approved in Montevideo at the end of 2003. This working plan, unlike former ones, includes among the main issues of trade integration, issues such as citizenship, labour and social rights, integration of the means of production, and the creation of the Mercosul Parliament.

In 2004, ten years after the adoption of the Ouro Preto Protocol, the Mercosul Heads of State decided to seek effective ways to reduce the structural and political asymmetries existing between the four partners, thus taking an important step towards the consolidation of the bloc. This decision was a result of the strong pressure exerted by the smaller countries, particularly Uruguay, and the first steps began in 2006 with the creation of the Mercosul Fund for Structural Convergence, which holds the following objectives: “to fund programs promoting structural convergence; to develop competitiveness; to promote social cohesion, in particular of the smaller economies and less developed regions and to support the operation of an institutional structure and the enhancement of the integration process.”

The initial annual amount of contributions of the Member States to the Fund will be US$ 100 million, integrated on the basis of an historic average GDP of Mercosul: Argentina — 27 per cent, Brazil — 70 per cent, Paraguay — one per cent and Uruguay — two per cent. As to resource allocation, this will be according to the following percentages: Paraguay will receive 48 per cent of the resources, Uruguay 32 per cent, and both Argentina and Brazil will each get 10 per cent. The Fund began its operations in 2007 and in January the first seven projects to be funded were approved, most of which are in Paraguay.

Another aspect to be noted is the enhancement of the social and citizen agenda of Mercosul. For example:

•    the organization of the Regional Employment Conference (2004) and the creation of the Employment High Level Group (2005);
•    the creation of the Family Agricultural Specialist Meetings in 2004 and of Youth (2006);
•    meeting of the Human Rights High Authorities (2005);
•    Working Group on the Racial Issue — 2006 and the Social Leadership (Cupulas Sociais) in 2006 and 2007, supported by the Governments and with the participation of dozens of social entities.

In analysing the Common Market Council Decisions over the last few years one can see that, from 2003 onwards, a greater concern over social and political issues emerged and especially a very strong wave towards the enhancement of Mercosul and South American integration. In quantifying the types of Council Decisions according to the themes referred to in their titles, one sees that about 30 per cent refer to issues linked to the establishment of free trade, such as trade norms, technical standards, trade in services and intra-Mercosul trade activities and activities with countries belonging to the Latin American Integration Association, 18 per cent are about the structure of Mercosul, and the remainder are spread over a diverse agenda. But if we are to separate the Decisions and consider them chronologicially (see chart below), we can see how new themes have emerged during this last period.

From 2004 onwards, the Council’s decisions on trade and institutional decisions were considerably reduced. One can hazard a guess that this fall in the number of trade related decisions was a consequence of greater politicization of the process, with the consolidation of a regional policy and the establishment of more demanding parameters in external relationships. However, several problems need to be mentioned such as the deepening of the trade imbalances and the asymmetries between the smaller
and the larger partners and the difficulties in adopting
a regional production policy. These problems are only
now starting to be addressed through the integration
of the value chains, incorporation of the small and micro-enterprises into the network of suppliers with the aim
of creating a genuine regional consumer market capable
of generating quality employment.

The role of the metalworking trade unions
The trade union movement of the Mercosul countries continues to actively follow and participate in the process, with a direct presence in some of the institutional structures, particularly some technical sub-groups and in the Economic and Social Consultative Forum. This unified action is taking place with the support of the Regional Inter-American Workers’ Organization (ORIT) through the Coordination of South Cone Trade Union Centres, a body created in 1986, consisting of the following trade union centres:

•    Brazil: CUT (Confederação Única dos Trabalhadores), CGT (Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores) and FS (Força Sindical);
•    Argentina: CGT (Confederación General del Trabajo);
•    Paraguay: CUT (Central Unitaria de Trabajadores); and
•    Uruguay: PIT-CNT (Plenario Intersindical de Trabajadores – Convención Nacional de Trabajadores).

In 1991, the trade unions issued their first public pronouncement about the recently created Mercosul with the following assessment: “The trade unions are committed to integration, on condition that it is genuine integration that guarantees social, political and cultural protection and that changes to the structure of production are not to the detriment of workers and the general public.”

During the 93/94 biennium, one of the priorities for the trade unions was to formulate proposals about the main trade and production issues and the creation of a Fund for the support and funding of production re-conversion. These proposals were presented to the Ministries of Industry in 1994, but were all rejected as they did not coincide with the policies of the then neo-liberal governments.

The Metalworkers’ Trade Union Commission of Mercosul played an important role in this process and provided important inputs and proposals to the trade unions’ formulations. During this process, and on various occasions, it was also supported by IMF’s Regional Office.

In the second half of the 1990s, the metalworking industry in Argentina and Brazil faced serious consequences arising from industrial deregulation policies and mainly from the adoption of a fixed exchange rate. Both employment and salaries were drastically affected and trade union work was focused on dealing with the crisis. During this period, the Metalworkers’ Trade Union Commission, the majority of which is made up by IMF affiliate trade unions, remained practically inactive on Mercosul issues.

Following the political changes that occurred in Brazil in 2002 and Argentina in 2003, the region’s metalworking industry is experiencing a recovery and trade unions have been strengthened at the national level and have resumed their activities at the level of Mercosul.
It should be noted that important industrial segments, such as the auto and metalworking sectors, have grown considerably: for auto the intra-regional trade is again growing, today representing more than 30 per cent of the trade balance between Brazil and Argentina, while in the metalworking sector there has been a strong increase in Argentinean and Brazilian exports to third party markets (fortunately they do not compete against each other). It should also be mentioned that in both sectors there is a very strong presence of multinational companies, which control the production and trade chains in the region and are present in virtually all countries.

The Metalworkers’ Trade Union Commission of Mercosul, which was coordinated by the National Confederation of Metalworkers (CNM/CUT) in Brazil between 2004 and 2006 and, from May 2007, by the Metalworkers’ Trade Union (UOM) in Argentina, is working towards the creation of common demands, especially in these two sectors. The trade unions have been discussing the need to exert pressure for the formation of workers’ committees within the same corporate groups operating within the Mercosul region, as well as for the negotiation of common salary thresholds with respective employers’ organisations.

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The IMF working party on trade and development meets in São Paulo, Brazil in September to discuss the situation with bilateral and regional Free Trade Agreements, their repercussions on the metal industry and trade union responses.

Precarious work on the rise in the metal sector

GLOBAL:  Metalworkers around the world are increasingly feeling less secure in employment, according to the findings of a recent survey on changing employment practices and precarious work conducted by the International Metalworkers’ Federation.

The International Metalworkers’ Federation, representing the interests of 25 million metalworkers in 100 countries, surveyed its affiliates in 2006 and 2007 about the prevalence of precarious work in the metal sector and on how trade unions are responding to the problem.

The survey found that:
• Ninety percent of respondents said precarious work has increased in the last five years.
• Two-thirds of respondents indicated precarious workers are paid much less than permanent workers.
• Two-thirds of respondents said companies in their country were shifting from directly employing temporary workers to hiring them through agencies or brokers.

The survey also found that metalworkers’ trade unions are using collective bargaining to respond to precarious work, are mobilizing for legislative changes for better protection of workers’ rights and believe that precarious workers should be recruited into existing unions.

“Precarious work is caused by employment practices designed to maximize employer profits and flexibility and to shift risks onto workers. As the results of this survey show, it is an increasing problem on every continent, undermining wages and conditions of work,” said IMF general secretary Marcello Malentacchi.

“The IMF and its affiliates will be taking up this issue and deciding on a strategy to take co-ordinated global action against precarious work at our Central Committee in November this year,” said Malentacchi.

A total of 54 unions whose combined membership represents 62 per cent of the global IMF membership responded to the survey, including unions from all five continents. Precarious work is typically non-permanent, temporary, casual, insecure and contingent and workers in these jobs are often not covered by labour law or social security protections.

For more details and a copy of the results of the survey go to: www.imfmetal.org/CC2007